【中英對照】美國國務卿給共產中國的新冷戰檄文:龐畢歐尼克森總統圖書館演說全文

國際中心
·44 分鐘 (閱讀時間)

Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player. And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)

謝謝,謝謝大家。謝謝你州長,真是溢美的引介。的確,當你在體育館裡提到龐畢歐(Pompeo)這個名字,大家就會開始竊竊私語。我弟弟馬克確實是個很棒的籃球選手。我們是不是掌聲鼓勵一下藍鷹儀隊?還有空軍一等兵海史密斯(Kayla Highsmith),她獻唱的國歌非常棒。(掌聲)

Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.

謝謝勞利牧師(Pastor Laurie)的感人祝禱。我也要謝謝休伊特(Hugh Hewitt)與尼克森基金會的邀請,讓我來到這個重要的場合發表談話。剛才獻唱國歌的是一位空軍,一位陸戰隊成員介紹我上台,他們讓一個陸軍出身的人(指龐畢歐自己)站在一個海軍(指二戰時曾在海軍服役的尼克森總統)的房子前面,這真的很棒。

It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised. To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.

很榮幸來到約巴林達(Yorba Linda),尼克森總統的父親在這裡蓋了一棟房子,他就在這間房子裡出生、長大。謝謝尼克森中心董事會與全體職員,有了你們,今天的座談才有可能舉行—尤其當前的局勢頗為困難,謝謝你們今天為我和我的幕僚所做的安排,讓這場演說得以實現。

We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.

我們很幸運,在場有幾位非常特別的來賓,包括我們已經認識的克里斯・尼克森・柯克斯(Chris Nixon Cox,尼克森總統的外孫)。我也要謝謝翠西亞・尼克森(Tricia Nixon Cox,尼克森長女)和茱莉・尼克森・艾森豪(Julie Nixon Eisenhower,尼克森次女)對這次演講的支持。

I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip. And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra. And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.

在座有好幾位勇敢的中國異議人士遠道而來,此外還有很多貴賓。謝謝所有其他來到這裡的貴賓,那些鑽進遮篷下的朋友,你們一定付過錢了。還有收看直播的觀眾,謝謝你們的收看。

And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.

最後,剛才州長有提到,我在聖安娜(Santa Ana)出生,離這裡不遠。我的妹妹和妹夫今天也在這裡,謝謝你們來,我打賭你們從沒想過我會站在這裡。

My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me. We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony. Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.

我今天的演講是一系列關於中國的演說當中的第4場,其他3場分別由國家安全顧問歐布萊恩(Robert O'Brien)、聯邦調查局局長瑞伊(Chris Wray)和司法部長巴爾(William Barr)負責。我們的目的非常清楚,我們的真正使命就是要說明美中關係的不同面向,兩國關係在過去數十年的嚴重失衡,以及中國共產黨的稱霸圖謀。我們的目標是清楚對美國人民說明他們所面對的威脅,這是川普總統中國政策所要因應的目標,我們保障自由的戰略已經確立。

Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.

歐布萊恩談的是意識形態,瑞伊局長提到間諜活動,巴爾部長說的是經濟。今天,我要為美國人民完整說明,來自中國的威脅對我們的經濟、我們的自由,甚至全球自由民主的意義。

Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022. The world was much different then. We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation. But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.

季辛吉(Henry Kissinger)博士當初密訪中國,到明年就屆滿50週年,2022年則是尼克森總統訪問中國的50週年。當時的世界與今天非常不同。我們想像跟中國交往能帶來充滿美好光明的前景,兩國將以禮相待、合作無間。然而今天,我們全都還得戴著口罩,看著疫情造成的死亡人數攀升,因為中共未能實現它對這個世界的承諾。每天早上我們讀到的頭條講的都是對於香港和新疆的各種打壓。

We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.

我們看到中國貿易不當作為造成的驚人數字,他們讓美國人民失業,對包括南加州在內的美國的經濟帶來沉重打擊。我們也看到中國軍力不斷擴張,而且更具威脅性。

I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond: What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China? Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true? Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation? And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?

我今天要提出來的問題,從加州到我的家鄉堪薩斯州,包括其他所有地方的美國人心裡都在問:當美國人民跟中國交往了50年之後,我們得到了什麼?我們的領導人當年認為中國會走向民主和自由,但這個想法實現了嗎?這是中國所謂的雙贏嗎?從一個國務卿的觀點來看,最重要的問題是:美國更安全了嗎?我們與之後的世世代代,是否更能實現和平?

Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it. As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.

聽著,我們必須面對這個殘酷的現實,我們必須承認這個現實會成為我們未來幾年甚至幾十年的指引:如果我們想要擁有一個自由的21世紀,而不是習近平夢想的中國世紀,就不能倚靠舊有的典範,也就是矇著眼睛跟中國交往。我們不能繼續這麼做,一定不能重蹈覆轍。如同川普總統所明確表示的,我們需要可以保護美國經濟與我們生活方式的戰略。自由世界一定要戰勝這個新的暴政。

Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right. He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are. He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.

我的主張可能會被認為急於想要推翻尼克森總統的政治遺產,不過在此之前我要說明的是,他當時做了他認為對美國人民最好的事情,而且他很可能是對的。他是中國的傑出學者,是冷戰時代的勇猛戰士,他也對中國人民充滿欽佩,我想我們都一樣。尼克森理應獲得高度肯定,他意識到中國太過重要,所以不該被忽視,即使當時的中國因為中共的暴政,國力遭到嚴重削弱。

In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said: He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.” And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”

1967年,在《外交事務》所發表的一篇著名文章中,尼克森解釋了他未來的策略。他在文章中寫道:「長遠來看,我們不能永遠把中國永遠排除在國際這個大家庭之外。中國若不改變,世界就不會安全。因此,我們的目標就是一定要在我們的能力範圍內發揮影響。我們的目標就是促成改變。」我想這就是整篇文章的關鍵詞:促成改變。

So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment. As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable. But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce. The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.

尼克森總統於是展開歷史性訪問,前往北京拉開交往戰略的序幕。他有追求讓世界更自由、更安全的崇高目標,並希望中共給予正面回應。隨著時間的推移,美國的政策制定者越來越肯定,中國繁榮之後將會走向開放,國內也會變得更自由,對於其他國家的威脅也會越來越小,中國會變得更友善。我敢肯定,這一切在當時看來都是水到渠成。但這種一廂情願的時代已經過去了。我們一直以來追求的交往策略,並沒有帶來尼克森總統所期盼的中國內部發生改變。事實上,我們和其他自由國家的政策拯救了中國正在衰退的經濟,結果卻是北京對伸出援手的國家反咬一口。

We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings. We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy. We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.

我們對中國人民張開雙臂,卻看見中共在剝削我們自由開放的社會,派出宣傳人士參加我們的記者會、研究中心或中學、大學校元,甚至是我們的家長會。我們邊緣化了我們的台灣朋友,他們後來卻發展成為一個充滿活力的民主國家。我們給了中共及其政權經濟上得特別待遇,卻看到中共堅持要求對其人權侵害情形保持沉默,西方企業才能獲准進入中國。

Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing. In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China. 

歐布萊恩日前才列舉出幾個例子。萬豪(Marriott)、美國航空(American Airlines)、達美航空(Delta Air Lines)和聯合航空(United Airlines),全都刪除了他們網站上關於台灣的內容,以免激怒北京。離這裡不遠的好萊塢,是美國人創意自由的中心,自詡為社會正義仲裁者,但就算電影內容只是對中國稍微不友善,他們也會自我審查。

This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too. And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.” China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs all across America. It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor. It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.

這種對中共的默許也發生在世界各地。企業如此效忠是怎發生的?奉承中共又會有什麼樣的回報?我引述一段司法部長巴爾的演說內容。他在上週的演講中表示,中國統治者的終極目標並非和美國做生意,而是要襲擊美國。中國掠奪我們珍貴的智慧財產權與商業機密,讓全美各地搶走了數百萬個就業機會。中國把供應鏈從美國吸走,推出由奴役勞工製成的各種零部件。中國也讓國際商業必經的主要航道更不安全。

President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are. Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.” Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else. And President Trump has said: enough.

尼克森總統曾說,他擔心讓世界對中共開放會製造出「科學怪人」,現在果真如此。現在,心存善意的人們可以爭論這麼年來自由世界為何任由這些壞事發生。或許我們對中國的共產主義思想過於天真,或許我們在冷戰勝利後志得意滿,或許我們是怯懦的資本主義者,或許我們被北京的「和平崛起」話術所蒙蔽。不論原因為何,今天的中國在國內愈來愈專制,在其他地方對自由的敵意也越來越強烈。而川普總統對此表示:夠了。

I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake. Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi. It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.

我不認為美國兩黨人士對我今天所說的事實會有什麼異議。但直到現在,還是有人堅持我們應該為了對話,繼續保留對話的框架。現在讓我把話說清楚,我們會持續對話,但這些日子的對話已經不一樣了。我幾週前才前往檀香山會見了楊潔篪。還是老樣子,話說了一堆,卻沒有想要在實際上改變任何事。

Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.

楊潔篪的承諾跟之前許多中共官員提出的一樣,都相當空洞。我猜想,他的期待是希望我會屈從他們的要求,因為坦白講,美國過去的政府都是這麼做的。但我沒有和,川普總統也不會這麼做。

As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology. It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.

正如歐布萊恩所闡明的,我們必須牢記,中共政權是一個馬克思列寧主義政權。習近平總書記則是破產極權意識形態的忠實信徒。就是這種意識形態,貫串了習近平幾十年來對中共全球霸權的渴望。美國再也不能忽視兩國之間根本的政治與意識形態差異,中共可從來沒有忘記過。

My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding: That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)

我在聯邦眾議院情報委員會的工作經歷,加上後來擔任中央情報局局長、以及兩年多來擔任美國國務卿的資歷,讓我徹底瞭解到,真正能改變共產中國的方法,並非基於中國領導人所說來行動,而是基於他們的作為來行動。雷根總統曾說,他與蘇聯打交道是基於信任,「信任,但要查證」。我認為我們對於中共則要「不信任,而且也要查證」(掌聲)。

We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity. We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.

我們做為愛好自由的國家,必須促使中國改變,就像尼克森總統希望的那樣。我們必須以更有創意、更強勢的方式促使中共改變,因為北京的行為威脅到我們的人民與我們的繁榮。我們應該從改變我們人民和我國盟友理解中共的方式開始。我們必須說實話。我們不能像對待其他國家一樣,把中國當作一個正常的國家。

We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance. But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.

我們知道跟中國貿易,不同於跟正常守法的國家做生意。北京只把國際協定當成是一種建議,當成掌控全球主導地位的手段。但藉著堅持公平的條款,就像美國貿易代表達成第一階段協定時所做的那樣,我們可以迫使中國正視偷竊智慧財產權與損害美國工人利益的政策。

We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits. A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.

我們也知道跟中共支持的企業做生意,不同於,比方說加拿大的公司做生意。中共的企業不對獨立的董事會負責。許多企業都是由國家資助,因此沒有必要追求利潤。華為就是一個很好的例子。我們不再假裝華為是一個無辜的電信企業,只是為了讓你能夠跟朋友通話而存在。我們將其視為國家安全真實的威脅,我們也的確這麼對待這間企業,而且我們也採取了相應的行動。

We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations. Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.

我們也知道,如果美國公司在中國投資,可能在知情或不知情的情況下支持中共嚴重侵犯人權的行為。我國的財政部與商務部都對中國官員與經濟實體進行制裁,並將其列入黑名單,因為他們傷害和侵犯全世界人民的基本權。政府的相關部門已經擬定企業指引,確保我們的執行長們知道他們的供應鏈在中國內部的營運狀況。

We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country. The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes. We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people. And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.

我們也知道,不是每個中國學生和員工都只是普通的學生或上班族,來美國就只是為了賺點小錢或吸收知識。他們當中有太多人來美國是為了竊取我們的智慧財產權,並把它帶回中國。司法部和其他部門正在努力追究這些罪行的刑事責任。我們知道中國人民解放軍也不是普通的軍隊,它們的目的是維持中國共產黨菁英的絕對統治,並擴大中華帝國,而非保護中國人民。所以我們的國防部加強了在東海、南海與台灣海峽的航行自由行動。我們也創建了一支太空軍,阻止中國在最終的邊界發起侵略。

And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades. Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)  We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea. We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time. And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.

坦白說,國務院也制定了一套與中國來往的新政策,推動川普總統實現公平互惠的目標,改變數十年來日益加劇的失衡現象。就在這個星期,我們宣布關閉中國在休士頓的總領事館,因為那是一個刺探情報及竊取智慧財產權的中心。(掌聲)兩週前,我們在南海的國際法議題上,扭轉了8年來的容忍態度。我們呼籲中國使其核武能力符合這個時代的戰略現實。國務院在全球所有層級都與中方交流,不過我們要求公平互惠。

But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party. That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.)  I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go. I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law. And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.

我們不能只是採取強勢作為,那不太可能達成我們所期望的結果。我們也必須與中國人民交流,賦予他們能力,他們是個充滿活力、熱愛自由的民族,與中國共產黨截然不同。這件事必須從親力親為開始。(掌聲)無論我到任何地方,都會遇見具有才華又勤奮的中國人民。我曾與逃出新疆集中營的維吾爾人和哈薩克族人會面;我曾與香港民主派領袖對談,從樞機主教陳日君到黎智英。兩天前,我在倫敦與香港的自由鬥士羅冠聰會面。還有上個月,我在辦公室裡傾聽了天安門廣場事件倖存者的故事,其中一位今天也在這裡。

Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.) Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)

王丹當時是扮演關鍵角色的學生,他從未停止為中國人民的自由而奮戰。王先生,能否請您起立讓大家看看您?(掌聲)今天在場的還有中國民主運動之父魏京生,他為了自己的主張,在中國勞改營裡待了數十年。魏先生,能否請您站起來?(掌聲)

I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out. Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.

我在冷戰時期長大、服兵役。如果要說我學到了什麼,那就是共產黨人幾乎總是在撒謊。他們最大的謊言就是自認可以代表被監視、被壓迫、不敢發聲的14億人民發言。事實正好相反:比起任何敵人,中共更害怕的是中國人民真實看法。他們沒有理由害怕人民的聲音,唯一害怕的理由就是害怕失去政權。

Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus. For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing. And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.

想想看,如果我們當時能聽見武漢的醫師的聲音,如果他們當時獲准對一種前所未有的新型病毒疫情發出預警,世界會變得多麼美好,更不用說身處中國的人民。我們的領導人數十年來,漠視、淡化中國勇敢異議人士的證言。他對就我們所面對的中國體制本質發出警告,我們不能再忽視這些聲音。他們跟任何人一樣清楚,我們不能再回到過去的作法。

But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy. But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes. I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.

改變中共的所作所為不僅是中國人民的使命,自由國家必須努力捍衛自由。這絕不容易,但我有信心,我們做得到。我有信心,因為我們有經驗,我們瞭解情況。我有信心,因為中共步上蘇聯後塵—疏遠潛在盟友、破壞國內外對他們的信任、抵制財產權,以及可以預測的法治。

I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi. And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself. Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags. 

我有信心,因為我看到其他國家也在覺醒,他們知道不能像美國一樣重蹈覆轍。我在布魯塞爾、雪梨、河內等地都聽到類似說法。最重要的是,我有信心我們可以捍衛自由,因為自由本身就是一項甜蜜的訴求。看看那些呼喊要移民國外的香港人,當中共加緊控制這個自豪的城市,他們揮舞的是美國國旗。

It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.) Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.

中共與蘇聯確實不同,中國深深嵌入全球經濟,但北京依賴我們的程度比我們依賴中國的程度更深。(掌聲)聽著,我不認為我們生活在一個命定的時代,某些困境早已註定,未來就是要由中共稱霸。我們的做法不會因為美國勢衰就必定失敗。正如我今年稍早在慕尼黑所說的,自由世界仍占上風。我們只是需要相信它、理解它、並且以其為傲。全世界人民仍期盼開放的社會。他們到此讀書、工作、建立家庭,他們並不是非得定居中國。

It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party. But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous. And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. 

現在是時候了。今天很高興來到這裡,這是個完美的時機。自由國家到了該採取行動的時候。不是每個國家都會對中國採取同一套做法,也不應該這麼做。每個國家都必須瞭解該如何保護自己的主權、保護自己的經濟繁榮、保護自己的理想不會受到中共染指。不過我還是呼籲每個國家的每一位領導人,先從學習美國經驗做起,堅持對等原則,堅持要求中共的透明及問責制。中共的統治者之間彼此差異甚大,這些簡單卻強大的原則將會產生很棒的效果。

For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles. We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.

長期以來,我們讓中共制定交流往來的規矩,但今後將不再如此。自由國家必須定下基調。我們必須按照相同的原則行事。我們必須統一陣線,不能被中共的討價還價或奉承諂媚所左右。這正是美國近來的行事方式,就像我們斷然反對中國在南海不合法的主張,就像我們呼籲各國禁用中國設備以保護公民的個資不會落入中共手中。我們透過制定規則做到這件事。

Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment. Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.

這麼做確實很難。這對一些小國來說尤其如此,這些國家擔心被各個擊破。因為這個原因,其中有些國家根本沒有能力或勇氣,在此刻跟我們站在一起。確實,我們的北大西洋公約組織(NATO)沒有在香港遭遇問題時挺身而出,因為他們擔心北京關上進入中國市場的大門。這種怯懦會導致歷史性的失敗,我們不能再重蹈覆轍。

We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region. And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.

我們不能再犯過去幾年的相同錯誤。中國帶來的挑戰需要歐洲、非洲、南美洲、尤其是印度太平洋地區的民主政體付出努力與幹勁。如果我們現在不行動,中共終將侵害我們的自由,顛覆我們社會辛苦建立的、基於規則的秩序。如果我們現在屈服,我們的子孫可能就會任憑中共擺布,他們的行動正是當前自由世界的最大挑戰。

General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it. Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders. So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.

除非我們允許,中共總書記習近平不可能永遠都能在中國與海外施行暴政。這不是圍堵的問題,別信那一套。這是一項我們從未面對過的複雜新挑戰。蘇聯自絕於自由世界之外,共產中國卻已經融入我們的世界。所以,我們不能單獨面對。聯合國、北約、7大工業國(G7)、20國集團(G20),結合我們的經濟、外交、軍事力量,如果我們已無畏的勇氣明確加以運用,肯定足以應付這項挑戰。

Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies. We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”

將志同道合的國家集合起來,建立一個新組織、一個新的民主政體聯盟,此其時也。我們有方法,我知道我們做得到,現在我們需要的是意志力。引用聖經的一段話,我想問的是「我們的心靈固然願意,但肉體卻軟弱了嗎?」

If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient. Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity. As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable. And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.

如果自由世界不改變,共產中國就一定會改變我們。我們不能因為過去的安逸或方便就因循守舊。從中共手中守護我們的自由,是這個時代的使命,美國完全就是這個使命的領導者,因為我們的建國原則給了我們的機會。就像我上週在費城注視美國獨立紀念館時所說,我們的國家建立在所有人都擁有某些不可剝奪權利的前提上,我們政府的責任就是保障這些權利。這是簡單而有力的真理。它使我們成為全世界人民的民主燈塔,也其中包括那些身處中國的人民。

Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words. Today the danger is clear. And today the awakening is happening. Today the free world must respond. We can never go back to the past. May God bless each of you. May God bless the Chinese people. And may God bless the people of the United States of America. Thank you all. (Applause.)

誠然,尼克森在1967年寫下的「中國若不改變,世界就不會安全」是正確的。現在就看我們聽不聽的進去了。當前的危險顯而易見,但這個世界也正在覺醒。自由世界現在必須有所回應。我們絕不能回到過去。願上帝祝福你們每一個人,願上帝祝福中國人民,願上帝祝福美國人民。謝謝大家。(掌聲)

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